Citas bibligráficas
Gómez, J., (2018). Innovación, agua y medios de vida: Discursos de cambio en pobladores de San Andrés de Tupicocha, Lima Perú [Tesis, Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina]. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12996/3315
Gómez, J., Innovación, agua y medios de vida: Discursos de cambio en pobladores de San Andrés de Tupicocha, Lima Perú [Tesis]. : Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina; 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12996/3315
@mastersthesis{renati/243056,
title = "Innovación, agua y medios de vida: Discursos de cambio en pobladores de San Andrés de Tupicocha, Lima Perú",
author = "Gómez de la Torre Barúa, Juan Andrés",
publisher = "Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina",
year = "2018"
}
Water scarcity in Peru is among one of the most serious problems for human development (ENAHO, 2013). Factors such as the limited availability of water within ecological regions, the distribution of the population in the national territory, climatic effects and national policies on managing resources, also influence its scarcity. Lima, the most populated city in the country, with approximately 9 million inhabitants (9,904,727, according to the INEI, of January 15, 2016), is located in a desert strip. Near Lima —approximately 4 hours away— is the Campesino Community of San Andrés de Tupicocha. There are a little more than 1400 people (INEI, 2007). Its territory oscillates between several altitudinal floors, from 500 to 4800 meters above sea level (Sifuentes de la Cruz, 1997). It is located in one of the regions with the greatest water scarcity in the Peruvian highlands (García, 2011). This thesis presents a study on perceived changes in livelihoods from the population of Tupicocha; these changes, as observed, have a starting point with the arrival of water innovations. During the study, a coexistence of multiple irrigation systems was found: systems exclusively dedicated to receiving rainwater, systems linked to dams managed by the peasant community and drip systems, which were considered the most advanced. Due to this multiplicity, only three systems were chosen because of their closeness to the families with whom this study was made: a) the amunas system; b) the system of family springs and c) the system of communal dams. Historically, the amunas system, being a pre-Hispanic system, is the oldest of the three; it is followed by the system of family springs; and, lastly, the most recent system is that of communal dams. With respects to their infrastructure, the three systems do not necessarily use similar materials: for example, it was observed that the system of communal dams and family springs are now beginning to import materials that stop or reduce the loss of water. It is the comunidad campesina that organizes the use of two of the three systems; the only system that is not managed by this entity is the family springs, which have committees formed by the family groups that build their infrastructure. Of the three systems, the only one that is associated with festivities and rituals is the amunas system: the champería festivity is organized ritually (once a year); this festivity aims at cleaning the amunas infrastructure from champa (weeds) that grow in it and prevent its proper functioning. Water innovations have generated changes in agricultural and livestock activities in the area. The increase of water for irrigation has meant, in turn, changes in agricultural products, in how to produce them and where they are given. Nowadays, these products are destined to markets in Lima (remember that Tupicocha is 4 hours away from Lima). Other changes that occurred were: decrease in the use of land dedicated to livestock activities; fewer families dedicated to raising cattle in Tupicocha; livestock is destined to the markets of Lima; and the type of cattle that the families now breed are, above all, guinea pigs (the alfalfa - the most sown product in the district, according to the last census - is the star food source for these animals). The theory of communal capitals (Emery and Flora, 2006), analyzes the association of other changes with the arrival of these water innovations. Capital built: Construction of the Willcapampa canal was considered one of the most important landmarks, made by the community, in order to get water for irrigation. Natural capital: There was a change in the construction materials used for the irrigation systems infrastructure. It meant a new way of relating to water for irrigation, where systems that filtered water -as in the case of amunas- are being forgotten; in its replacement, systems that efficiently transfer water from one point to another, without filtering, are taking their place. Social capital: Changes were manifested as new actors in the area (such as the municipality or the government) emerge as entities that contest the comunidad campesina; but, in turn, organize communal work for the benefit of the population with this contested institution. It is worth considering a future study on inter-institutional tensions in said district-community. Other capitals, such as human capital, allowed observing the neglected situtation of childerns education, favoring the construction of the Willcapampa canal or changes in the feeding of families. With respects to financial capital, there was an increase in access to cash or reasons to carry out a harvest. On political capital, changes were perceived in the relationship of local political institutions; and changes in cultural capital, where the existence of festivities and ritual practices, associated with water, begin to detach from the task of irrigation systems, like the amunas example. The Spiraling-up theory, which is also mentioned by Emery & Flora (2006), assumes that the innovations and changes that have arisen would progressively improve all the communal capitals. However, field data collected tend to show this is not entirely true. Several people expressed the benefit of certain changes, but not others. An example was given with food: families in Tupicocha previously produced to feed themselves; few were the products that they bought to eat. However, nowadays, a good part of the food consumed by families in the community is obtained from the stores that reside in this locality. Families now consume products that were not previously part of the basic family basket (such as noodles, cookies, milk in a jar, among others). According to one interviewee, they are now buying products that were previously harvested. We arrive at a descriptive conclusion, where there was a series of changes for the families visited in Tupicocha; these changes came with the arrival (construction) of new water infrastructure, associated with the communal dams. This, in turn, can be approached from an intercultural perspective, where the three irrigation systems are associated with culturally different worlds: it means that the logics of each system are differentiated, which implies different ways of using and thinking about water. The new logics of the most innovative irrigation systems came with changes that have affected the means and ways of life of residents in San Andrés de Tupicocha, analyzing them as communal capitals, where each capital can be related to another. The improvement in one of these capitals would not necessarily mean the improvement of the others.
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